Submitted via: <WCS_CISF_EIS@nrc.gov> 
 
Dear NRC Staff,
We  submit  these comments on behalf of our members and supporters, not  only in New  Mexico and Texas, near the targeted ISP/WCS CISF site,  but across both of these states, and the rest of the country, along  road, rail,  and waterway  routes that would be used for high risk, highly  radioactive waste  shipments to ISP/WCS's CISF, as well as to Yucca  Mountain, Nevada, on  Western Shoshone land -- wrongly and illegally  assumed by ISP/WCS, as well as by NRC, to  someday (or some decade, or  some century) become a permanent  disposal  repository. This unnecessarily repeated, multiple legged,  cross-continental transport of highly radioactive waste, is another  significant aspect of the EJ (Environmental Justice) burden  associated  with this ISP/WCS CISF  scheme.
The  following  subject matter has gotten little to no attention in  NRC's ISP/WCS CISF  DEIS, a far cry from NEPA's legally binding "hard  look" requirement: woefully inadequate, to nearly nonexistent, treatment  of highly radioactive waste transportation risks, including: failure to  identify shipping routes associated with 127 of 131 atomic reactors in  the U.S.; failure to address widespread QA violations associated with  design and manufacture of containers for irradiated nuclear fuel  shipping and storage; and a fatally flawed EJ analysis.
 
 
 
 
 
 
First  off, our comment has to do with transportation. We protest NRC's  woefully inadequate, to nearly nonexistent, treatment of highly  radioactive waste transportation risks. This violates the  long-established legal requirement under the National Environmental  Policy Act (NEPA) that NRC must take a “hard look” at the ISP/WCS CISF  proposal, including its inextricably interlinked, high-risk, high-level  radioactive waste transportation component, impacting most states in the  lower 48. The transport route maps that the NRC cite in its DEIS done  by the Department of Energy in 2008, the final supplemental EIS (FSEIS)  on the Yucca Mountain, Nevada dump scheme, targeting Western Shoshone  lands, are extensive. The State of Nevada in 2017 made them much more  user friendly, thanks to the work of Dr. Fred Dilger. (See Dr. Dilger's  work posted here, under the year 2017: <
http://www.state.nv.us/nucwaste/trans.htm>.)
 
In this ISP CISF DEIS, NRC has completely failed to make these highly  likely irradiated nuclear fuel transport routes transparent to the  public. Also, for its part, ISP/WCS’s Environmental Report (ER) sole  transport route map (Figure 2.6-1, Transportation Routes, Revision 2,  Chapter 2, Page 2-78) accounts only for routes from four of 131 reactors  in this country, specifically three in San Onofre, California and one  at Maine Yankee. That's not acceptable. What about the other 127 atomic  reactors in the U.S., including 94 still operating, 35 permanently  shutdown, and two under construction in Georgia (Vogtle Units 3 and 4)?!  (See: <
http://archive.beyondnuclear.org/reactors-are-closing/>.)
 
But NRC's CISF DEIS did not even include this sole inadequate map from ISP's ER.
NRC's  DEIS and ISP/WCS’s ER essentially exclude the high risks of  transportation and are not even being transparent about the  transportation routes. This represents illegal segmentation, the  dividing up of a major federal action into smaller parts so that the  proposal doesn't seem so significant or impactful after all. This is a  violation of NEPA, as long ruled by the federal courts. There is no  magic wand to simply teleport the wastes out to West Texas, 0.37 miles  from the border with New Mexico, near the majority LatinX city of  Eunice.
 
Our next comment has to do with whistleblower  revelations about irradiated nuclear fuel storage and shipment container  quality assurance (QA) violations. Although the containers in question  are Holtec containers, supposedly not to be used at ISP/WCS’s CISF, the  revelations nonetheless raise very serious red flags, begging the  question — are there widespread QA violations with the containers to be  used at ISP/WCS’s CISF, as well, such as NAC containers and Transnuclear  containers, and others? Certainly past problems with NAC containers,  such as those documented in Dr. Marvin Resnikoff's 1987 book 
The Next Nuclear Gamble,  lends further credence to the concern that NAC containers, that would  be used at ISP's CISF, have design, fabrication, and/or operational QA  violations. So too does the widespread problem of Areva containers in  France, suffering hazardous external contamination, as documented by  World Information Service on Energy-Paris, in the mid- to late-1990s. So  too have the widespread problems associated with on-site dry cask  storage at reactors across the U.S., as documented here: <
http://archives.nirs.us/radwaste/atreactorstorage/drycaskfactsheet07152004.pdf>.
 
Why,  when Beyond Nuclear, and a large number of other environmental groups  and concerned citizens, bring these and similar concerns to NRC's  attention, does the agency consistently ignore us? This has certainly  been the case in the NRC's ISP/WCS environmental scoping stage, as  reflected in NRC's current woefully inadequate ISP/WCS DEIS, that  violates NEPA.
Neither  Holtec nor NRC have rectified this problem much or at all ever since,  not in the past two decades. Thus, Shirani questioned the structural  integrity of the Holtec containers sitting still, going zero miles per  hour, let alone going 60 miles per hour or faster down the railroad  tracks and subject to the extreme forces of severe accidents. Dr.  Landsman compared NRC's decision making to that of NASA's which led to  space shuttles hitting the ground.
Compounding  the QA violation problem even worse, Holtec’s CEO, Krishna Singh, also  attempted to bribe Shirani and Landsman into silence about these quality  assurance violations. They refused and rejected his bribe offer, and  continued to blow the whistle. And we have to point out that NRC, during  the environmental scoping phase re: Holtec’s CISF, treated our raising  this bribery comment as an allegation. They took four months to  supposedly investigate it. They came back with a single page response,  that essentially said, "Bribery is not our department. We suggest you  take it up with the Department of Justice." To put it mildly, that is  not an acceptable response from the NRC. NRC's passivity in the face of  CEOs of its licensees breaking laws is most alarming. Bribery in order  to secure irradiated nuclear fuel storage and/or transport contracts, as  by Holtec's CEO Krishna Singh, is a very safety significant matter. How  NRC could judge otherwise is outrageous, astounding, mind boggling, and  most alarming. And yet, that is NRC's position, and policy. NRC is an  agency that could not be much more captured by the industry it is  supposed to regulate than it already is. To all of our peril.
Again,  we have to wonder, are there widespread QA violations associated with  the design, manufacture, and use of containers that would be used to  ship irradiated nuclear fuel to, and/or store it at, the ISP/WCS CISF?  After all, NRC’s inability, or unwillingness, to enforce QA safety  standards vis-a-vis Holtec containers, for the past two decades, begs  the question, is the QA violation problem present across industry,  including containers designed and manufactured by other companies, such  as Nuclear Assurance Corporation (NAC), Orano/Areva, etc.?
It's  a map of New Mexico showing the nuclear, and fossil fuel, and other  hazardous industries, that have long polluted and contaminated the "Land  of Enchantment," and still do, and it is nightmarish. However, the  national so-called “low” level radioactive waste dump at WCS, TX, as  well as its hazardous material contamination, and also the ISP/WCS CISF,  are depicted on the map, hugging the NM state line within, at most,  just a few miles of Eunice, NM. This is most appropriate that WCS be  included in this map otherwise focused only on NM, because that  imaginary dotted line known as the NM/TX state border does not protect  the majority LatinX residents of Eunice, NM — the nearest city, much  closer than even Andrews, TX — from the radioactive and chemically toxic  hazards emanating from the ISP/WCS site. After all, ISP/WCS’s CISF  would be just 0.37 miles from the NM state line. Surface and groundwater  flow paths from WCS actually cross the state line into NM, as well.
And  certainly the Ogallala Aquifer, which NRC’s ISP/WCS CISF public comment  call-in session introductory slideshow acknowledges comes within a mile  of the CISF site, also extends under NM (not to mention another six  High Plains States to the north of TX and NM, all the way to Oglala  Lakota territory in South Dakota, after which it is named). ISP's  potential eventual contamination of the Ogallala Aquifer is another  environmental, health, safety, and national security issue that NRC has  neglected in its CISF DEIS. After all, the Ogallala Aquifer, the largest  in all of North America, provides vital drinking and irrigation water  for eight High Plains States, and numerous Native American Nations,  including the Oglala Lakota, to name but one example.
It  should be pointed out that most to all of our EJ comments can also be  taken as cumulative impacts comments. NRC has neither addressed the EJ,  nor the cumulative impacts, aspects of our comments, but must do so in  the Final EIS, or be in violation of NEPA.
Thus,  ISP/WCS’s CISF is another, major, EJ burden on NM — a significant issue  that NRC’s ISP/WCS CISF has done woefully inadequate analysis of. Just  because ISP is located but 0.37 miles from NM, does not mean NRC can  ignore the EJ, the cumulative, the environmental, safety, security, and  health impacts on NM, from ISP's CISF scheme.
The nuclear history of New Mexico dates back to the founding of Los  Alamos National Lab in 1943. The disproportionate nuclear risk and  pollution burden on the majority minority state that is New Mexico  continues right up to the present, as depicted on the "Sacred Trust" map  by Deborah Reade linked above. NRC must address these historic,  current, and reasonably foreseeable EJ (and cumulative) impacts, as  clearly documented on this map.
That has  been the trick that NRC has played in both CISF EIS proceedings (both  the Holtec, NM as well as the ISP, TX EIS proceedings), in order to find  no environmental justice impacts — the local “host” communities very  close to the targeted CISF sites were simply compared to the rest of New  Mexico as a whole, or the rest of Texas as a whole. But that, of  course, is deceptive, evasive trickery by NRC. The high percentage of  the Native American and LatinX population in the State of NM should be  compared to the rest of the country as a whole. The NMED (New Mexico  Environment Department) made this argument very succinctly in its  September 22, 2020 written comments in the Holtec DEIS proceeding,  pointing out that NM’s Indigenous and LatinX residents comprise more  than 60% of the state’s population, multiple times the U.S. population  as a whole, by way of comparison.
And  Public Citizen's Texas Office director Adrian Shelley has provided  verbal comments during a call-in session in this ISP DEIS proceeding,  clearly documenting the EJ burden on LatinX populations across West  Texas, that this ISP CISF scheme would cause, along the rail shipping  routes that would be used. Shelley’s comments updated extensive comments  submitted by Public Citizen and SEED Coalition in 2018 during NRC’s  environmental scoping stage on the ISP CISF scheme, but again, NRC has  largely to entirely ignored such comments, right up to the present, in  its DEIS. Why does NRC behave this way, in violation of NEPA?!
 
One  example of an EJ analysis NRC should do is in regards to the irradiated  nuclear fuel containers that could be shipped out to the New Mexico  and/or Texas CISFs, from the State of Vermont, currently stored at  Vermont Yankee. Similarly, other New England irradiated nuclear fuel  containers — as from Maine Yankee, Seabrook NH, Pilgrim and Yankee Rowe  MA, could be shipped out to one or both CISFs, in NM and/or TX. In fact,  the very companies proposing these CISFs in the Permian Basin, are now  the owners of certain of these decommissioning nuclear power plant  sites, and the irradiated nuclear fuel stored on-site at them: Vermont  Yankee (NorthStar, which includes Orano/Areva and WCS, the partners that  comprise Interim Storage Partners); and Pilgrim MA (Holtec). (Holtec  has also taken ownership of nuclear power plant sites, and the  irradiated nuclear fuel stored there, at the Mid-Atlantic/Northeast  Oyster Creek NJ nuclear power plant; Holtec is seeking such ownership at  the Indian Point nuclear power plant near New York City, NY; and Holtec  is seeking such ownership at the West Michigan reactor sites, Palisades  and Big Rock Point.)
But of course, both  Holtec and ISP, as revealed on the sole, woefully inadequate transport  route map each company included in their Environmental Reports,  nonetheless documented irradiated nuclear fuel from Maine Yankee, as  well, to be shipped to the CISFs in the Permian Basin. So too, the  irradiated nuclear fuel from three reactors at San Onofre, CA.
So,  NRC should do an EJ analysis comparing the socio-economic demographics  of the CISF “host” communities, such as Eunice, NM, to the New England  “host” communities near Vermont Yankee, Pilgrim MA, Maine Yankee, as  well as the southern CA “host” community near San Onofre. NRC should do  an EJ analytical comparison of the socio-economic demographics of the  State of NM, and the State of TX, to the States of VT, MA, and ME, as  well as southern CA near San Onofre. Those are the kind of EJ analytical  comparisons that need to be done. Instead, NRC has done acrobatics in  order to hide the truth, regarding the clear environmental injustice and  radioactive racism represented by the ISP and Holtec CISF schemes.
Re:  Figure 2.6-1, Transportation Routes, Revision 2, Chapter 2, Page 2-78,  in ISP's ER, it also reveals another EJ (and cumulative impacts) issue  that NRC has neglected to address. The map shows a blue transport route  labeled "Maine Yankee to WCS." It should be noted that a large number of  reactors to the east of WCS, TX -- not just Maine Yankee -- would use  this route. Why ISP ER did not include these other reactors, is not  explained. Nor has NRC required ISP to make such basic information  transparent, nor has NRC provided such based information directly  itself, as in its DEIS.
In addition to the  "Maine Yankee to WCS" route depicted in blue, other routes would be used  to haul irradiated nuclear fuel from reactors east of WCS, TX, to the  CISF. It should be noted that 90% of reactors, and irradiated nuclear  fuel, are located in the eastern half of the country, to the east of  WCS, TX. 75% of reactors and irradiated nuclear fuel are located to the  east of the Mississippi River.
A light green  transport route in Fig. 2.6-1 is labeled "WCS to Yucca Mountain."  Presumably, ISP is indicating that up to 40,000 metric tons of  irradiated nuclear fuel would travel this "WCS to Yucca Mountain"  transport route, depicted in light green, for permanent disposal in a  geologic repository at Yucca Mountain, Nevada. In other comments  submitted by Beyond Nuclear, and others groups and individuals in this  public comment proceeding, it has been communicated a large number of  times, clearly to NRC, that the agency, and ISP, cannot assume Yucca  Mountain will become the permanent repository. As Yucca Mountain is  located on Western Shoshone land, that would violate the Treaty of Ruby  Valley of 1863, signed by the U.S. government. It is the highest law of  the land, equal in stature to the U.S. Constitution itself.
The  Yucca dump would also represent a huge EJ violation. After all, nearly a  thousand full-scale nuclear weapons detonations were conducted at the  adjacent Nevada Test Site (Nevada National Security Site), by the U.S.  and U.K. governments, from 1951 to 1992. 128 of those "tests" were above  ground. A third of the underground tests, after the early 1960s to  1992, have been documented as leaking hazardous radioactivity to the  surface environment. Sub-critical "tests" involving plutonium continue  to the present. To add highly radioactive waste dumping in the State  that has suffered so much downwind from the NTS/NNSS would represent a  very large EJ impact, as well as a very large cumulative impact, on the  Western Shoshone, other Nevadans, and those further downstream and  downwind, as in Utah, California, and beyond.
The  dark green line on Fig. 2.6-1 shows the overlap of the light green "WCS  to Yucca Mountain," and the blue "Maine Yankee to WCS," routes. The  dark green overlap extends across southeastern NM, the width of TX, and  the height of OK. What this means is, all of the communities on the dark  green line, in NM, TX, and OK, would be hit coming and going by ISP's  irradiated nuclear fuel transports. Coming, inbound from the east, for  CISF storage in extreme West Texas, on the NM border near Eunice. Then  again going, outbound, to Yucca Mountain, NV, for permanent disposal. As  has been mentioned, NM itself is a majority minority state -- more than  60% of its residents are LatinX or Indigenous. Eunice, NM itself --  through which every single inbound and outbound shipment would pass, en  route to or from ISP -- is itself majority LatinX.
And  as Public Citizen's Texas Office director has verbally commented in  this very proceeding, the transport routes coming and going in West  Texas, and elsewhere in TX, have majority LatinX communities living  along them, sometimes vast majority LatinX communities.
And  of course, Oklahoma is officially called "Native America" by its own  state government, right down to on its automobile license plates. A  large number of Native American communities call Oklahoma home. Recently  the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that most of eastern OK is an Indian  reservation, belonging to the Muscogee (Creek) Nation.
Also  in OK are majority African American communities, as in the Greenwood  District of Tulsa, OK, site of the infamous 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre,  perpetrated by Whites against Blacks.
So  why has NRC done little to no EJ and cumulative impacts analyses of  these double whammy shipments on the low income and/or people of color  (BIPOC, Black, Indigenous, People of Color) communities, to be hit  coming and going, by ISP's high-risk irradiated nuclear fuel shipments?
The  light green "WCS to Yucca Mountain" transport route then proceeds  westward, from OK, to Yucca Mountain, NV, through the states of KS, CO,  UT, and NV. Yet again, these very states are home to significant  Indigenous, as well as LatinX and other BIPOC communities. Why has NRC  done little to no EJ, nor cumulative impacts, analyses on these  questions?
The State of Nevada Agency for Nuclear Projects has, in the context of Yucca Mountain-bound shipments. See:
 
 
And,  as has been mentioned above, the State of Nevada Agency for Nuclear  Projects has also published the following route identification and  shipment number analyses, based on the same 2008 DOE FSEIS for Yucca  that NRC cites, in passing, in its own ISP CISF DEIS:
2017 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
It must be pointed out that the further from the American  Southwest the origin, the more similar to identical the transport  routes will be, regardless of whether bound for the CISFs in the Permian  Basin, or for Yucca Mountain, NV.
Since all  131 reactor sites are clearly known, and the major transport route  options between them and the ISP CISF are also clearly known, why has  NRC not analyzed and disclosed them to the public? After all, DOE and  the State of Nevada Agency for Nuclear Projects were able to do so.  NRC's DEIS violates NEPA in these regards. Is NRC trying to hide the  truth from the impacted public?!
 
It  must also be pointed out that, as Robert Alvarez has testified in the  ISP licensing proceeding before the NRC's ASLB, with the NRC staff as a  participating party, that the outbound shipments from the ISP/WCS CISF  will not number 3,400, like the inbound shipments, but rather will  number in the tens of thousands. That's because the 3,400 giant  rail-sized inbound containers will have to be repackaged into tens of  thousands of significantly smaller TADs (Transport, Aging, and Disposal)  containers, required by DOE for acceptance at the Yucca Mountain  repository.
Shipping tens of thousands of TADs  from WCS to Yucca means a significantly increased probability of severe  accidents during transport, as compared to the 3,400 shipments NRC has  shallowly assumed, by yet again ignoring Alvarez's testimony.
Here  are links to Alvarez's testimony, posted online, testimony that NRC has  already had in its possession for years, but has simply chosen to  ignore:
 Please address and rectify your woefully  inadequate "hard look" under NEPA, re: this  health-, safety-, and  environmentally-significant, as well as legally-binding, subject matter above.
And  please acknowledge your receipt of these comments, and confirm their  inclusion as official public comments in the record of this docket.
Thank  you.
Sincerely,
Kay Drey, President, Board of Directors, Beyond Nuclear
and
Kevin Kamps, Radioactive Waste Specialist, Beyond Nuclear